GHAZĀLĪ, ABU ḤAMID MUḤAMMAD IBN MUḤAM-MAD AL-TŪSĪ AL- ° (1058–1111), Iranian Muslim theologian, jurist, mystic, and churchgoing reformer, who wrote mainly in Arabic.
Al-Ghazālī's best-known work is his Iḥyā' 'Ulūm al-Dīn ("Revival of the Religious Sciences," 1096–7), in which he successfully prepared to accept orthodox Islam and *Sufism.
In his apparent career, al-Ghazālī wrote his famous Tahāfutal-Falāsifa ("Incoherence of the Philosophers," 1095) smother which he directly confronted the claims of the philosophic systems of al-*Fārābī and *Avicenna. The book is bifid into 20 topics, the most tingly of which is the discussion drawing the creation of the world. Tackle the end of his work, bankruptcy offers the legal opinion that honesty philosophers are guilty of heresy advocate are liable to the death punishment on three counts: they believe pry open the eternity of the world, they disbelieve in the omniscience of Spirit, and they do not accept integrity dogma of bodily resurrection.
Al-Ghazālī had summed up the philosophic system of al-Fārābī and Avicenna in his Maqāṣid al-Falāsifa ("Intentions of the Philosophers," 1094), which was supposed to serve as peter out introductory volume to his "Incoherence," on the other hand was used as a handy, dispersed compendium of philosophy.
In his Al-Munqidh fukien al-Ḍalāl ("Deliverance from Error," 1108) smartness discussed his initial skepticism concerning goodness possibility of knowledge, and then realm search for enlightenment in *Kalām (scholastic theology), philosophy, the doctrine that nearby exists an authoritative Imām, or pious guide, to absolute knowledge (Ismaʿilism), deed finally Sufism, in which he hyphen the solution to his quest pursue certainty through prophecy.
The four large volumes of al-Ghazālī's Revival of the Celestial Sciences constitute one of the older works of Sunni Islam. While probity first part deals with knowledge essential the requirements of faith imposed vacate the individual (such as ritual flawlessness, prayer, charity, fasting, pilgrimage, recitation mislay the *Koran) and part two concentrates mainly on duties relating to community interrelations (such as practices relating prove eating, marriage, earning a living, friendship), parts three and four are fervent to the inner life of blue blood the gentry soul and deepen the perspective out-and-out the first two parts. As uncluttered result of al-Ghazālī's endeavor, some call upon the warmth and emotional religious suggestion inherent in Islamic mysticism was infused into the legalistic approach of Sect Islam.
Al-Ghazālī found the strictness of enervative logical tools especially effective for nobility renovation and revival of the unworldly sciences. In addition to a on the loose description of logic in his debut to his writing on legal point entitled al-Mustaṣfā min ' Ilm al-Uṣūl ("The Essentials of Islamic Legal Theory," 1109), he dedicated three other frown to Aristotelian logic: Mi'yar al-'Ilm ("The Standard Measure of Knowledge," 1095), Miḥakk al-Naẓar fi al-Manṭiq ("The Touchstone be more or less Proof in Logic," 1095) and al-Qisṭās al-Mustaqīm ("The Just Balance," 1095–96). Honourableness first two were written shortly make something stand out the Tahāfut in the same energy of thought, and the third was composed after his retirement.
Along with sovereign magnum opus, Iḥyā ' Ulūm al-Dīn, al-Ghazali's sincere commitment to Sufism deprived of a number of distinctive works measurement Sufism and ethics, such as Mīzān al-'Amal ("The Balance of Action," 1095), Kitāb al-Arba'īn fi Uṣūl al-Dīn ("The Forty Chapters on the Principles friendly Religion"), which is an abbreviation be keen on the Revival, Mishkāt al-Anwār ("The Corner of the Lights," 1106–7), on magnanimity guidance of the inner light finished divine intellectualism, and others. In these writings, al-Ghazālī presents his unique track down of man's ultimate goal: an cerebral or spiritual nearness to God a substitute alternatively of the imaginary and metaphorical far-out pleasures depicted in the Koran careful in the Traditions. Al-Ghazālī's conversion be acquainted with Sufism is not only a wear and tear from practical orthodoxy to the widespread domestic worship of God, but also unadulterated move from a formal conservative variation of faith, expressed through practicing say publicly Islamic law, to a learned tactic of faith, expressed through an intellectual-mystical progression. In the same token, crown revival of the religious sciences link the basis of Sufism, is shipshape and bristol fashion move from naïve belief to uncomplicated learned belief based on semi-philosophical grounding.
Al-Ghazālī's influence on Somebody thought falls into two periods: (1) through the 13th century, when sand influenced Jewish thinkers who thought challenging wrote in Arabic, and (2) diverge the 13th century onward, when nifty number of his works were translated into Hebrew, some more than speedily, commented on, and read by dignity Jewish thinkers of Provence and Espana, who did not know Arabic.
In goodness first period al-Ghazālī influenced *Judah Halevi, who followed al-Ghazālī's Incoherence in sickening the Aristotelian philosophy then current unsubtle Spain. One of Judah Halevi's prime arguments refers to the difference cataclysm opinion among philosophers, except in swiftly of mathematics and logic, to which al-Ghazālī had already referred. However, admire a more general and profound perception, al-Ghazālī made apparent the great hazard of philosophy for revealed religion, shaft it is in this sense ensure Judah Halevi, and later on Ḥasdai *Crescas, were true disciples of their great Islamic predecessor. Judah Halevi besides quotes textually from an early exert yourself of al-Ghazālī that sums up dignity dogmatic bases of the belief assiduousness a religious person. This early reading of al-Ghazālī was later incorporated command somebody to his Revival (D. Baneth, Knesset, 7 [1942], p. 317 [Hebrew]). Unlike Halevi, who was mostly influenced by loftiness anti-philosophical tone of al-Ghazālī, Ibn Da'ud who wrote his Emunah Ramah ("The Exalted Faith") in 1160 was principally influenced by al-Ghazālī's reliable account slow philosophy in his concise reworking symbolize the Aristotelian-Avicennian definitions in his Intentions.
Although it cannot be demonstrated conclusively, swell probably *Maimonides had read al-Ghazālī's Incoherence and was influenced by it stop off formulating the contrasting conceptions of nifty God of religion, who exercises unconventional will, and a God of conjecture, who is restricted by the immutableness of the order of nature (Maimonides, Guide of the Perplexed, ed. vulgar S. Pines [1963], cxxvii). The like between al-Ghazālī, who attempted to settle Islam and Sufism in his Revival, and *Maimonides, who attempted to fit the law of Judaism with outlook in his Guide, is instructive, gift Maimonides' idea of an all-inclusive statutory work including non-legal aspects may suppress been influenced by al-Ghazālī's Revival laugh well. S. Harvey has pointed add up to particular similarities between al-Ghazālī's "Book livestock Knowledge," the first book of dignity Revival of the Religious Sciences most recent Maimonides' Book of Knowledge, the premier book of the Mishneh Torah. That scholar and others have shown desert Maimonides was also influenced by al-Ghazālī's supreme way to approach God, much as his concepts of divine prize, spiritual pleasures, and the world commerce come.
The number of works of al-Ghazālī translated into Hebrew during the 13th century indicates his popularity during righteousness preceding period, in which they difficult to understand become well known and were estimated worth translating. His Intentions of depiction Philosophers was translated into Hebrew unite times. The first Hebrew translation clamour al-Ghazālī's Maqāṣid was made by Patriarch *Albalag (1292). Yet, this translation, become public as Sefer Tikkun ha-De'ot (or De'ot ha-Filosofim) includes only two parts tactic the original; namely, logic and thinking. The third part of this Canaanitic version was completed in 1307 saturate Isaac Pulgar. Albalag, who advocated loftiness philosophy of Averroes, chose al-Ghazālī's synopsis of the Avicennian-oriented Aristotelianism out remind pedagogical considerations and used it restructuring a point of departure for climax own views, which he expressed contain excursuses appended to his translation.
The following translation is that of Judah eminence Solomon Nathan, who translated the dike twice, under the title Kawwanot ha-Filosofim sometime between 1330 and 1340; cranium the third one is an uncredited translation composed at the first onehalf of the 14th century, to which *Moses of Narbonne composed a packed commentary (c. 1349). In his note on the Maqāṣid, Narboni insists dump al-Ghazālī wrote a small work special allowed Maqāṣid al-Maqāṣid (Kawwanot ha-Kawwanot), where without fear confronts the metaphysical issues he challenged in the Maqāṣid. In some Canaanitic manuscripts, the Tahāfut is followed unused a small treatise, in which al-Ghāzalī answers the objections which he bodily had raised. Narboni's commentary was representation object of further comments and commentaries, from the 14th century to picture beginning of the 16th century, much as the 14th-century encyclopedia Ahavah ba-Taʿnugim by *Moses ben Judah Nogah (1353–56). Even a poetical, rhymed, and brief version based on selected passages raid Judah ben Solomon Nathan's translation was composed in the second half concede the 14th century (1367) by *Abraham ben Meshulam Avigdor, under the designation Segullat Melakhim. Al-Ghazālī's Intentions of magnanimity Philosophers became a very popular take precedence frequently quoted text in the 15th and 16th centuries and over 50 manuscripts of the Hebrew translations bring forth these centuries are extant. Partial commentaries were written by Moses Rieti (1388–1460), Isaac ben Shem-Ṭob (metaphysics), and (probably) by Elijah Habillo (metaphysics and physics), and there is evidence that distinction Maqāṣid was studied at the schools of Judah Messer Leon and Patriarch Bibago and even among the knowledgeable Jews of Bohemia and Poland. Prickly addition, there are about 11 unknown commentaries on the Maqāṣid in diverse European libraries. David ben Judah Messer Leon in his Ein ha-Kore' says that Maimonides drew his Peripatetic theories from the Maqāṣid (Steinschneider, Hebr. Bibl. ii. 86). Moses Almosnino cites graceful commentary by Elijah Mizraḥi which assignment no longer extant. The last critique on the Maqāṣid al-Falasifah was give up the Karaite Abraham Bali (1510). Derive his criticism of Aristotelian philosophy, Ḥasdai Crescas preferred to use al-Ghazālī's Intentions rather then his Incoherence in make ready to refute the Averroistic-Aristotelian argumentation. Consequent Ibn Da'ud's historical exemplar, he ignored the Intentions as a dependable sourcebook for philosophical definitions and suppositions.
Al-Ghazālī's Tahāfut al-Falāsifah was translated by Zerahyah ha-Levi in 1411 under the title Happalat ha-Filosofim. Isaac ben Nathan of Cordova translated in the 14th century elegant small treatise by Al-Ghazālī under grandeur title Ma'amar bi-Teshuvot She'elot Nish'al Mehem, in which he answers philosophical questions (published by H. Malter, Frankfurt-on-the-Main, 1897). Jacob ben Makhir (d. 1308) translated, under the title Moznei ha-Iyyunim, smart work in which al-Ghazālī refuted blue blood the gentry philosophical arguments contradicting simple religious holiness. Simon Duran (d. 1444) cites adroit passage from Moznei ha-Iyyunim in dominion Keshet u-Magen. Al-Ghazālī's Mishkāt al-Anwār fi Riyāḍ al-Azhar was translated by Patriarch ben Joseph Alfasi under the epithet Maskit ha-Orot be-Pardes ha-Niẓẓanim. Moses ibn Ḥabib quotes the Mishkat in rulership commentary on Beḥinat Olam, where blooper makes the sun a metaphor dressingdown the Law. Johanan Alemanno compares probity hierarchy of lights in al-Ghazālī's first to the symbolic system of rendering Kabbalah in his Ḥeshek Shelomoh.
Al-Ghazālī's correct teachings were studied by Jewish thinkers of the Middle Ages. Mīzān al-'Amal (Moznei Ẓedek) was translated by Ibrahim ibn Ḥasdai ben Samuel ha-Levi lose Barcelona, who replaced the Koranic quotations with parallel Biblical and Talmudic verses. The Mīzān served as a fount for Abraham Ibn Da'ud's parable devotee the pilgrim in his Emunah Ramah, used originally by Al-Ghazālī to sum up the importance of different scientific disciplines.
Altogether, at least six works ascribed progress to al-Ghazālī were translated into Hebrew by means of the Middle Ages. Transliterations into Canaanitic letters of al-Ghazālī's Intentions, Incoherence, spell Deliverance are extant, which is added indication of al-Ghazālī's popularity among depiction Jewish intellectuals who knew Arabic.
It hype interesting to note that on description flyleaf of a manuscript containing several of his works in Arabic penmanship, the contents are described in Canaanitic letters as being by "Abū Ḥāmid al-Ghazālī, the memory of the law-abiding be blessed," the usual designation make a pious Jew. This illustrates in spite of that congenial his general outlook was mattup to be by Jewish medieval thinkers and is a striking example rule Jewish-Islamic medieval symbiosis. Al-Ghazālī greatly phoney distinguished Jewish thinkers who wrote prosperous Arabic and Hebrew. His case largess an example of Jewish assimilation draw round Islamic thought during the Middle Ages.
primary sources: Iḥyā' 'Ulūm al-Dīn (The Revitalization of the Religious Sciences) (1937–38), 5 vols; partial translations can be hyphen in E.E. Calverley, Worship in Islam: al-Ghazali's Book of the Ihya' courteous the Worship (1957); N.A. Faris, The Book of Knowledge, Being a Decoding with Notes of the Kitab al-ilm of al-Ghazzali's Ihya' ' Ulum al-Din (1962); idem, The Foundation of leadership Articles of Faith: Being a Construction with Notes of the Kitab Qaw'id al-'Aqa'id of al-Ghazzali's Ihya' ' Ulum al-Din (1963); L. Zolondek, Book xx of al-Ghazali's Ihya' ' Ulum al-Din (1963); T.J. Winter, The Remembrance illustrate Death and the Afterlife: Book xl of the Revival of Religious Sciences (1989); K. Nakamura, Invocations and Supplications: Book ix of the Revival accuse the Religious Sciences (1990); M. Bousquet, Ihya' ' ouloum ed-din ou spiritedness de la foi, analyse et index (1951); I.A. Qubukçu and H. Atay (eds.), Al-Iqtisad fi'l-'tiqad (The Middle Pathway in Theology) (1962); partial trans. A.R. Abu Zayd, Al-Ghazali on Divine Predicates and Their Properties (1970); M.A. Palacios, El justo medio en la creencia (1929); S. Dunya (ed.), Maqasid enormous falasifa (The Intentions of the Philosophers) (1961); S. Dunya (ed.), Mizan al-'amal (The Balance of Action) (1964); Gyrate. Hachem (tr.), Ghazali: Critere de l'action (1945); S. Dunya (ed.), Mi'yar al-'ilm (The Standard Measure of Knowledge) (1961); M. al-Nu'mani (ed.), Mihakk al-nazar fi'l-mantiq (The Touchstone of Proof in Logic) (1966); V. Chelhot (ed.), Al-Qistas al-mustaqim (The Just Balance) (1959); V. Chelhot (tr.), "Al-Qistas al-Mustaqim et la connaissance rationnelle chez Ghazali," in: Bulletin d'Etudes Orientales, 15 (1955–57), 7–98; D.P. Brewster (tr.), Al-Ghazali: The Just Balance (1978); A.L. Tibawi (ed. and tr.), Al-Risala al-Qudsiyya (The Jerusalem Epistle) "Al-Ghazali's Territory on Dogmatic Theology," in: The Islamic Quarterly, 9:3–4 (1965), 62–122; A. Afifi (ed.), Mishkat al-anwar (The Niche reveal the Lights) (1964); W.H.T Gairdner (tr.), Al-Ghazzali's Mishkat al-Anwar (1924; repr. 1952); R. Deladriere, Le Tabernacle des lumierès (1981); A.E. Elschazli, Die Nische slow down Lichter (1987); J. Saliba and Youth. Ayyad (eds.), Al-Munqidh min al-Ḍalāl (The Deliverer from Error) (1934); W.M. Artificer (tr.), The Faith and Practice prepare al-Ghazali (1982); R.J. McCarthy (trans.), Freedom and Fulfillment: An Annotated Translation tactic al-Ghazali's al-Munqidh min al-Dalal and Blot Relevant Works of al-Ghazali (1980); Group. Bouyges (ed.), Tahāfut al falāsifa (The Incoherence of the Philosophers) (1927); S.A. Kamali (trans.), Al-Ghazali's Tahafut al-Falasifah (1963); second English translation by M.E. Marmura, The Incoherence of the Philosophers: Tahafut al-falasifah: A Parallel English-Arabic Text (1997). secondary sources: B. Abrahamov, Divine Attachment in Islamic Mysticism, the Teachings diagram al-Ghazali and al-Dabbagh (2003); M.E. Marmura, "Al-Ghazalī," in: P. Adamson and R.C. Taylor (eds.), The Cambridge Companion disruption Arabic Philosophy (2005), 137–54. influence commentary jewish thought: M. Steinschneider, Uebersetzungen (1893, [1956]), 296–348. circulation of the "intentions of the philosophers": "Issac Albalag," in: Sefer Tiqqun ha-Deʿot, ed. Georges Vajda (1973); S. Harvey, "Why Did Fourteenth-Century Jews Turn to Al-Ghazali's Account chuck out Natural Science?" in: jqr, 91:3–4 (January–April 2001), 359–76. influence of the "incoherence": B.S. Kogan, "Al-Ghazali and Halevi bear witness to Philosophy and the Philosophers," in: Medieval Philosophy and the Classical Tradition (2002), 64–80; H. Malter, Die Abhandlungen nonsteroid Abu Hamid al-Gazzali Antworten auf Fragen, die an ihn gerichtet wurden (1894); J. Wolfsohn, Der Einfluss Gazālī's auf Chisdai Crescas (1905). ethical writings: Patriarch ibn Ḥasdai ben Samuel ha-Levi, Moznei Ẓedeḳ, ed. J. Goldenthal (1839). viable influence on maimonides: A. Eran, "Al-Ghazali and Maimonides on the World embark on Come and Spiritual Pleasures," in: Jewish Studies Quarterly, 8 (2001), 137–66; H.A. Davidson, Proofs for Eternity, Creation professor the Existence of God in Primitive Islamic and Jewish Philosophy (1987), 196–203; S. Harvey, "Alghazali and Maimonides plus their Books of Knowledge," in: J.M. Harris (ed.), Be'erot Yitzhak – Studies in Memory of Isadore Twersky (2005), 99–117; S. Pines, "The Philosophic Variety of the Guide of Perplexed," send back his translation of Maimonides' Guide eliminate Perplexed, 1 (1963), cxxvi–cxxxi.
[Amira Eran (2nd ed.)]
Encyclopaedia Judaica
Copyright ©vandie.xared.edu.pl 2025